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On March 18, 2025, VTDigger and Vermont Public published a joint article titled “Democrats willing to concede spending clash if Gov. Scott extends motel stays,” detailing a political standoff between Vermont’s Democratic legislative leaders and Republican Governor Phil Scott. The article framed the Democrats as pragmatic and compassionate, willing to sacrifice $14.9 million in proposed spending to protect vulnerable Vermonters in the state’s hotel-motel program, while portraying Scott as rigid and uncaring, vetoing a budget adjustment bill over cost concerns. However, a letter from the Scott administration, released the following day on March 19, reveals critical omissions and a consistent pattern of bias in the reporting by these outlets—bias that favors Vermont Democrats and undermines journalistic integrity. The Narrative: Democrats as Heroes, Scott as Villain The VTDigger/Vermont Public article paints a clear picture: Democratic leaders Jill Krowinski and Phil Baruth are depicted as reluctantly conceding to Scott’s demands, sacrificing funding for affordable housing, flood relief, and disability programs to secure a modest extension of the hotel-motel program for the unhoused. The piece emphasizes their “single request” to protect “children, pregnant women, disabled Vermonters, veterans, and those fleeing domestic violence,” tugging at readers’ heartstrings. Scott, meanwhile, is cast as the antagonist, denouncing the program as a “failed” and “too expensive” endeavor, with his veto threatening to displace nearly 600 adults and over 160 children as early as April 1. The article amplifies this narrative with selective quotes, such as Rep. Robin Scheu’s dismissal of Scott’s compromise proposal as an “eleventh hour” plan unworthy of “serious consideration.” The lack of response from Scott’s office—despite “multiple requests for comment”—is noted, subtly implying evasiveness or indifference. This framing aligns with a recurring theme in Vermont media: Democrats as thoughtful problem-solvers, Scott as an obstinate barrier to progress. The Omission: Scott’s Perspective and Offers of Compromise Contrast this with the Scott administration’s letter, penned by Secretary of Administration Sarah Clark on March 19, 2025. The letter directly challenges the article’s narrative, accusing Democratic leaders of spreading “misinformation” and revealing that the administration had offered “three different compromises” to address the budget adjustment dispute—compromises conspicuously absent from the VTDigger/Vermont Public piece. Clark notes that Scott’s team proposed keeping the most vulnerable in the hotel-motel program through June 30, aligning with the Democrats’ stated priority, while shifting non-urgent spending to the FY26 budget—a historically standard practice for budget adjustment acts (BAAs). Moreover, Clark expresses frustration at being “uninvited” to testify before the House Appropriations Committee, a detail that undermines the article’s implication of Scott’s unwillingness to engage. The letter outlines a consistent stance—articulated since January—that the BAA should focus on technical adjustments, not new spending or policy shifts, especially amid federal funding uncertainty. This perspective, grounded in fiscal responsibility and voter priorities like property tax relief, is entirely excluded from the VTDigger/Vermont Public account. Consistent Bias and the Implications This is not an isolated incident. VTDigger and Vermont Public have a track record of favoring Democratic narratives while marginalizing Scott’s positions. Past coverage, such as the 2023 budget veto saga, similarly highlighted Democratic efforts to override Scott’s vetoes while downplaying his rationale—concerns over unsustainable spending and tax hikes. The outlets often amplify Democratic voices, like Krowinski and Baruth, while relegating Scott’s responses to brief mentions or, as in this case, omitting them entirely until forced to react. Such selective reporting violates core journalistic principles: fairness, balance, and truthfulness. By presenting only one side of the story—Democrats as magnanimous, Scott as callous—VTDigger and Vermont Public shape public perception rather than inform it. The omission of Scott’s compromise offers and the context of his veto rationale isn’t mere oversight; it’s a deliberate choice to bolster the Democratic narrative. This is particularly egregious given the outlets’ reliance on public trust and, in Vermont Public’s case, taxpayer funding. Why This Matters The stakes are high. Vermont’s media landscape is small, and VTDigger and Vermont Public wield outsized influence. When they consistently tilt coverage to favor one party—here, the Democrats, who lost their supermajority in 2024—they distort democratic discourse. Readers are left with a skewed understanding of policy debates, unable to fairly assess Scott’s fiscal conservatism against Democratic spending priorities. This isn’t journalism; it’s advocacy masquerading as news. By omitting Scott’s compromises and framing Democrats as conceding from a position of weakness (despite their inability to override), VTDigger and Vermont Public craft a morality tale rather than a factual report. This undermines public confidence in media and erodes the ability of Vermonters to engage in informed debate.

Vermont Governor Phil Scott’s recent announcement that he intends to veto the mid-year Budget Adjustment Act (BAA) has sparked heated debate, particularly over the fate of the state’s General Assistance Emergency Housing program—commonly known as the hotel/motel program. Democrats and critics, including House Speaker Jill Krowinski, have accused the governor of abruptly canceling a vital lifeline for Vermont’s unhoused population, leaving municipalities scrambling with little notice. However, a closer look at Scott’s longstanding position, public statements, and the legislative timeline reveals that this decision is far from sudden. Rather, it reflects a consistent stance he has maintained for years, raising the question: Is this truly an abrupt move, or have critics overlooked the warning signs? The Hotel/Motel Program and the Budget Bill The hotel/motel program, expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, provides temporary shelter in motels and hotels for vulnerable Vermonters, including families, veterans, and those with medical needs. The current iteration of the program, funded through the state’s General Assistance budget, was set to scale back significantly after March 2025 under rules established by the Democrat-controlled Legislature in prior sessions. The mid-year BAA, passed by the House on March 12, 2025, includes $1.8 million to extend the program’s winter eligibility rules—allowing more people to stay sheltered—through June 2025. This extension is what Scott has targeted for his veto, arguing that it perpetuates a flawed system. Democrats contend that Scott’s refusal to sign the BAA would “abruptly remove state support,” thrusting responsibility onto municipalities with less than two weeks’ notice before the program’s funding runs dry. Krowinski emphasized this point in a March 12 statement, warning that towns lack the resources to manage such a “complex crisis” on short notice. Advocates, like Frank Knaack of the Housing & Homelessness Alliance of Vermont, echo this concern, planning a press conference to urge Scott to reconsider. Scott’s Longstanding Opposition: Not a New Stance While the veto threat may feel sudden to those reliant on the program, Scott’s opposition to the hotel/motel model is anything but new. For years, he has criticized it as an expensive, temporary fix that fails to address the root causes of homelessness. In his 2025 budget address on January 28, he proposed $38.5 million for the program but tied it to a shift toward more permanent shelter solutions, signaling his intent to phase out motel-based housing. Senate President Pro Tem Phil Baruth acknowledged this proposal but called it inadequate, noting it fell “tens of millions” short of sustaining current levels of support. Scott’s administration has been vocal about this shift since at least 2023, when new caps were imposed on the program following its pandemic-era expansion. On February 28, 2025, Administration Secretary Sarah Clark pitched a compromise to lawmakers: $2.1 million in flexible grants to municipalities to handle the transition away from motels, allowing towns to decide how best to support their unhoused residents. Lawmakers rejected this, opting instead for the BAA’s extension—a decision Scott flagged as a veto trigger well before the bill reached his desk. At a March 6 press conference, Scott reiterated his position: “I’ve let everyone know that [the BAA] doesn’t meet what I see as what we need in Vermont right now. It spends more money than we should be spending. And it furthers the hotel motel program, which I feel has been a failed system.” Posts on X from Vermonters, like one from @rightvermont on March 9, highlight Scott’s frustration, quoting him as saying he offered a compromise that Democrats declined. This timeline suggests Scott has been telegraphing his intentions for months, if not years. The “Abruptness” Debate: Perception vs. Reality Critics’ claims of abruptness hinge on the immediate impact of a veto. If the BAA is rejected, the program’s current funding could lapse by late March, leaving roughly 250 children, 150 veterans, and other vulnerable Vermonters without state-supported shelter. Krowinski’s argument—that municipalities can’t pivot in “less than two weeks”—assumes the veto is the final word, ignoring the possibility of further negotiation. Yet, Scott’s team has stressed that their $2 million municipal grant proposal remains on the table, a point Clark emphasized on February 28 as a way to avoid “mass unsheltering.” The Legislature’s own role in this crunch adds nuance. The decision to tie the program’s extension to the BAA—a mid-year adjustment rather than the full 2026 budget (due in May)—created a tight deadline. Scott has argued that major spending, like the $8.6 million for affordable housing also in the BAA, should wait for the annual budget process, especially given uncertainties about federal funding under the incoming Trump administration. This suggests the “abruptness” may stem as much from legislative timing as from Scott’s veto itself. Evidence of Forewarning Historical context bolsters the case against abruptness. Scott has wielded his veto power aggressively—issuing 52 vetoes to date, more than double the record of any prior Vermont governor—often targeting spending he deems unsustainable. In 2023 and 2024, he clashed with Democrats over property taxes and climate initiatives, with the Legislature overriding a record six vetoes each year. His skepticism of the hotel/motel program aligns with this fiscal restraint, a hallmark of his tenure since 2017. Middlebury College political scientist Matt Dickinson, quoted by Vermont Public in 2023, noted Scott’s popularity stems from balancing progressive goals with fiscal caution—a philosophy clearly at play here. Whether this standoff ends in compromise or gridlock remains unclear. Democrats, lacking the supermajority to override a veto after last fall’s elections, face a new reality: Scott’s veto pen holds more sway than ever. For now, the decision may not be abrupt in intent, but its impact could still jolt Vermont’s most vulnerable—unless both sides find common ground before the funding runs out.

Zoie Saunders assumed the role of Vermont’s Secretary of Education in April 2024, first as an interim appointee and later as the permanent secretary, appointed by Governor Phil Scott in November 2024. Her tenure has been marked by ambition, controversy, and a complex educational landscape in Vermont—a state grappling with declining enrollment, rising costs, and debates over equity and quality in public education. With nearly two decades of experience in education strategy and innovation, Saunders brought a unique perspective to the role. But how successful has she been in translating that experience into tangible outcomes for Vermont’s students, educators, and communities? This article evaluates her work and achievements to date. Background and Appointment: A Polarizing Start Saunders’ appointment was contentious from the outset. With a resume that includes significant time as Vice President of Strategy at Charter Schools USA—a for-profit charter school network in Florida—and a brief stint as Chief Strategy and Innovation Officer at Broward County Public Schools, critics questioned her qualifications for leading Vermont’s public education system. Her limited direct experience in traditional public schools (just three months in Broward County before her appointment) and lack of classroom or administrative roles like teacher or principal fueled skepticism. The Vermont Senate’s initial rejection of her confirmation in April 2024 by a 19-9 vote—the first such rejection of a cabinet-level nominee in recent memory—underscored these concerns, with opponents citing a mismatch between her background and Vermont’s needs. Governor Scott, however, stood by Saunders, naming her interim secretary immediately after the Senate vote and later appointing her permanently during a legislative recess. He praised her “strategic thinking” and “fresh perspective,” arguing that her experience in large-scale school improvement and workforce development could address Vermont’s pressing challenges. This polarizing start set the stage for Saunders to prove her detractors wrong—or validate their fears. Key Initiatives: Listening, Learning, and Leading Since taking office, Saunders has prioritized engagement and data-driven decision-making, launching several initiatives to understand and improve Vermont’s education system: Listen and Learn Tour : One of Saunders’ first moves was a statewide “Listen and Learn” tour, where she and her team met with educators, parents, students, and community members. This effort aimed to identify local needs and inform the Agency of Education’s strategic priorities. Reports suggest it has fostered dialogue, though concrete policy outcomes remain in development as of early 2025. Literacy Initiative : Saunders has championed a new literacy program, responding to concerns about student reading proficiency—a persistent issue exacerbated by pandemic-related learning loss. While details are still emerging, this initiative signals a focus on foundational skills, a critical area for long-term academic success. Data Collection and Transparency : Recognizing Vermont’s complex education finance system and uneven student outcomes, Saunders has pushed for enhanced data reporting. Her team has issued reports comparing Vermont’s system to other states, aiming to equip stakeholders with better tools to address affordability and performance gaps. Sweeping Reform Proposal : In January 2025, Saunders unveiled a bold plan to transform Vermont’s K-12 system, including school district consolidation, a revised funding formula, and statewide curriculum standards. This proposal, backed by Governor Scott, seeks to address declining enrollment and rising property taxes but has sparked debate over its potential to centralize control and cut programs like universal school meals. Successes: Building a Foundation Saunders’ early tenure shows signs of progress. The “Listen and Learn” tour has been praised for its inclusivity, giving voice to rural communities often overlooked in state-level policy-making. Her emphasis on data transparency has begun to demystify Vermont’s education finance system, earning cautious approval from legislators and administrators seeking clarity. The literacy initiative, while nascent, aligns with evidence-based priorities that could yield measurable gains over time. Her collaborative approach has also won her allies. Senator Brian Campion, a Democrat who supported her confirmation, has called her “exceptional,” citing her intellect and dedication. Anecdotal feedback from educators suggests she’s approachable—a contrast to perceptions of bureaucratic disconnect under prior leadership. Moreover, Saunders’ outsider perspective has brought fresh ideas to a state system long criticized for inertia. Challenges and Criticisms: Trust and Tangible Results Despite these efforts, Saunders faces significant hurdles. Her lack of deep roots in public education continues to erode trust among educators and unions, such as the Vermont NEA, which initially opposed her due to her charter school ties. While she and Scott have disavowed charter schools for Vermont, skepticism lingers about her alignment with public education values—especially given the reform proposal’s shift from universal meals to a means-tested model, seen by some as a step back from equity. Results remain elusive. The “Listen and Learn” tour, while a strong start, has yet to produce a cohesive strategy, leaving some to question its impact beyond optics. The literacy initiative lacks public metrics to gauge success, and the broader reform plan faces resistance from communities wary of consolidation and loss of local control. Vermont’s education system—marked by small, rural districts and a unique funding structure—requires nuanced leadership, and Saunders’ short tenure in traditional public schools raises doubts about her ability to navigate these complexities. Measuring Success: A Work in Progress Assessing Saunders’ success after less than a year is premature, but her trajectory offers clues. She has laid a foundation for change—engaging stakeholders, prioritizing data, and proposing ambitious reforms—but translating these into improved student outcomes, educator morale, or fiscal stability will take time. Vermont’s challenges predate her arrival: a 20% drop in student enrollment over two decades, per-pupil spending among the nation’s highest, and stagnant test scores. Saunders inherited a system in crisis, and her success hinges on whether her strategic vision can overcome structural and political obstacles. Critically, her outsider status cuts both ways. It brings innovation but risks missteps in a state proud of its local governance traditions. Her reliance on Scott’s support, rather than broad legislative buy-in, could limit her effectiveness if tensions with the Democrat-led Senate persist. Success, then, may depend less on her resume and more on her ability to build trust and deliver results in a skeptical environment. Conclusion: A Leader at a Crossroads Zoie Saunders’ tenure as Vermont Education Secretary is a high-stakes experiment. Her work reflects a blend of proactive engagement and strategic ambition, earning her a foothold in a challenging role. Yet, her success remains unproven, tethered to the pace of implementation and the reception of her reforms. For now, she stands at a crossroads—poised to either redefine Vermont’s education system or falter under the weight of its complexities. As 2025 unfolds, Vermonters will watch closely to see if Saunders can turn her vision into a legacy of progress.

Attorney General Clark will hold a Town Hall in Montpelier on Tuesday, March 18th to discuss her lawsuits against the Trump administration, Answer Questions Since Donald Trump took office for his second term in January 2025, Vermont Attorney General Charity Clark has been notably active in challenging his administration’s policies through legal action. In just the first few weeks of Trump’s presidency, Clark has joined or initiated multiple lawsuits targeting executive orders and administrative decisions, prompting some to question whether she is dedicating excessive time and resources to suing the former and current president. With six lawsuits filed by early March 2025—averaging more than one per week of Trump’s term—critics and observers alike are debating the balance between Clark’s legal activism and her broader responsibilities to Vermonters. A Surge in Legal Challenges According to reports from VTDigger and Vermont Public, Clark has joined multistate coalitions to sue the Trump administration on issues ranging from federal funding freezes to the creation of the controversial Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), led by Elon Musk. As of March 9, 2025, her office had filed its sixth lawsuit, this time challenging mass layoffs of federal probationary employees, alongside 20 other attorneys general. Earlier actions included lawsuits to protect federal funding for health, education, and disaster relief programs, as well as a challenge to cuts in National Institutes of Health (NIH) research funding—moves Clark argues are unconstitutional overreaches by the Trump administration. Clark has defended her aggressive stance, telling Vermont Public that the rapid pace of Trump’s executive orders—starting on his first day in office—necessitates an immediate and unified response. “He’s doing something outlandish and blatantly unconstitutional, and we’re responding in a unified fashion—immediately,” she said, contrasting this term with Trump’s first, when Democratic attorneys general were slower to react. Her office has already notched initial victories, such as a temporary restraining order in late January blocking a federal funding freeze, which she hailed as a defense of Vermont’s sovereignty and constitutional rights. Historical Context: A Pattern of Litigation This isn’t Clark’s first rodeo with Trump-related lawsuits. During Trump’s first term (2017–2021), Vermont’s Attorney General’s Office, where Clark then served as a staff attorney, participated in 60 lawsuits against his administration. Nationwide, state attorneys general filed 138 multistate lawsuits against Trump’s policies over those four years—nearly double the number filed against the Obama and Bush administrations combined, according to NBC News. By contrast, under President Biden, Vermont’s legal actions against the federal government were minimal, with Clark noting only a suit against the FDA and occasional defensive interventions to protect Biden-era policies. The current spike in litigation reflects a broader trend among Democratic attorneys general, who have sued Trump’s second administration at a brisk pace. As of late January 2025, 23 states, including Vermont, had already challenged a funding freeze by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), arguing it violated Congress’s budgetary authority. Clark’s participation in these efforts has drawn praise from allies but raised eyebrows among those who question her priorities. Criticism and Concerns Critics argue that Clark’s focus on Trump may divert attention from pressing state-level issues like affordability, housing, and public safety—concerns Vermonters consistently rank as top priorities. With the Attorney General’s Office managing a broad portfolio, including consumer protection and criminal justice, some wonder if the resources spent on federal litigation could be better allocated elsewhere. The time-intensive nature of coordinating with other states, researching executive orders, and preparing legal filings could strain her office’s capacity to address local needs. No direct public statements from Vermont residents or officials accusing Clark of neglecting her duties have surfaced in the available data. However, the sheer volume of lawsuits—six in less than two months—invites scrutiny. For comparison, during Trump’s first term, the 138 lawsuits spanned four years, averaging about 34 per year, whereas Clark’s current pace projects to over 36 annually if sustained. This acceleration suggests either a more aggressive Trump agenda or a more proactive legal strategy—or both. Clark’s Defense: Duty and Impact Clark counters that her actions are not discretionary but a core part of her mandate to uphold the rule of law. “My job as the Attorney General of Vermont is to make sure that any time the United States Constitution is violated or federal law is violated, we bring Vermont to court,” she told WAMC. She emphasizes the tangible stakes for Vermonters, pointing to programs like WIC, Head Start, and LIHEAP—federally funded initiatives supporting low-income families—that were threatened by Trump’s funding freeze. Her office’s success in securing injunctions, such as the Rhode Island court’s order restoring frozen funds, underscores her argument that these lawsuits deliver results. Moreover, Clark frames her efforts as a collaborative necessity, not a solo crusade. By joining multistate coalitions, Vermont leverages the legal firepower of larger states like New York and California, minimizing the burden on her office’s budget and staff. Solicitor General John Rose, who assists in analyzing Trump’s orders, told Vermont Public that the process involves daily review and coordination with other states—a streamlined approach to maximize efficiency. Too Much Time—or Not? Whether Clark is spending “too much time” suing Trump hinges on perspective. For supporters, her actions are a vital check on federal overreach, protecting Vermont’s interests against a president whose policies they view as reckless. Federal judges, including one appointed by a Republican who called a Trump order “the most unconstitutional thing he ever saw,” have validated some of her claims, bolstering her case. If her lawsuits continue to yield victories—five of the six have already blocked Trump policies temporarily—she can argue that the time spent is justified by the outcomes. Yet the pace of litigation raises legitimate questions about sustainability and focus. If Trump’s administration maintains its flurry of executive actions, Clark could find herself locked in a perpetual legal battle, potentially sidelining other duties. Without clear data on her office’s workload distribution or public opinion in Vermont, it’s hard to quantify the trade-off. What’s certain is that her tenure is shaping up as one defined by confrontation with Trump—a role she seems prepared to embrace, for better or worse. Here is more information on the AG's Town Hall: When:              Tuesday, March 18, 2025, 5:30 pm-7:00 pm Where:            The Town Hall will be hosted in person. Physical location : Pavilion Office Building, 1st floor auditorium, 109 State Street, Montpelier, VT 05609. Early check-in is recommended to allow time to go through security. ·           Livestream link will be available online at: https://ago.vermont.gov/     Who:               All are welcome.

From Stowe Mountain Rescue Two nights ago, we had a mission that took us into epic snow on the ridge of Mt Mansfield to rescue a disoriented skier who had lost the trail. This was a fit and experienced local backcountry skier with all the equipment we would want him to be carrying and a good head on his shoulders. He had the Gaia map on his phone and was familiar with his intended route. Familiar, that is, until a boat load of snow and blowing conditions made everything unfamiliar. When the snow level gets high enough, even a solid established path like the Long Trail becomes invisible, as the normal channel between the trees is buried. And the blowing snow had obliterated his own tracks when he tried to retrace his route. Realizing he had lost the trail, he pulled out his compass to try to establish a direction of travel. But his compass was squirrelly, telling him North one moment and South the next – we suspect interference from the nearby radio towers. So disconcerting! Realizing he had no way of orienting himself and suspecting he was going in circles, he did the necessary work to secure his safety. He dug a shelter and then called for help just before darkness set in. Our thoughtful subject would like to share his perspective with regard to ‘lessons learned’. Although he was carrying some good stuff – headlamp, emergency whistle, a thermos of warm broth (boy, that will have tasted good!), and spare mittens, he said in future he would want to be better prepared to ride out a long, cold wait. For him, this meant beefier environmental protection: an emergency blanket, a second spare pair of mittens and a full spare layer, both top and bottom. Whether he could have started a fire in those conditions is doubtful, but we always recommend a firestarting kit. Our subject’s main takeaway: be extra cautious in deep snow conditions. The terrain looks different. Throw a blizzard into the mix and the goalposts shift and disappear. Our observation: one thing he didn’t have with him is a ski buddy. His turned around earlier in the day. Had they stuck together there would have been two brains, not one, to troubleshoot the wayfinding. And in the event of an accident, having a friend with you could be the single element that saves your life. We’re grateful for the thoughtful way our subject has reviewed his experience. We look forward to running into him again under different circumstances!

New education plan patterns the successes of other states. Vermont Governor Phil Scott’s education reform plan, unveiled in January 2025, aims to overhaul the state’s education system by addressing funding, governance, and accountability. It proposes consolidating Vermont’s 119 school districts into five regional districts, implementing a foundation formula for funding, and enhancing state oversight to improve equity and affordability. While the plan is tailored to Vermont’s unique challenges—such as declining enrollment, rising property taxes, and educational inequities—it shares conceptual similarities with reforms in other states. No single state serves as a direct blueprint, and the plan’s performance cannot yet be fully compared to Vermont’s current system since it remains in the proposal stage with implementation targeted for 2028-29. Similarities to Other States’ Education Reforms Consolidation of School Districts Comparison to Other States:  Scott’s proposal to reduce Vermont’s school districts to five mirrors efforts in states like Maine and West Virginia, where district consolidation has been used to address inefficiencies and declining student populations. Maine, for instance, passed the 2007 School District Consolidation Law, reducing its 290 districts to about 164 regional units by encouraging voluntary mergers with financial incentives. West Virginia has also consolidated districts over decades, dropping from over 300 in the 1950s to 55 today, often involuntarily, to cut administrative costs and improve resource allocation. Rationale and Context:  Like Vermont, these states faced shrinking rural populations and rising per-student costs. Vermont’s plan, however, is more aggressive in scope, aiming for just five districts compared to Maine’s more gradual approach or West Virginia’s larger final number. Scott’s team argues this will streamline administration and redirect savings to classrooms, a goal echoed in these states’ reforms. Foundation Formula Funding Comparison to Other States:  The shift to a foundation formula—where the state sets a base per-student funding amount adjusted for student needs—is a widely used model, seen in states like Texas, California, and New Hampshire. Texas’s Foundation School Program, established in 1949 and refined over time, allocates a base amount per student with additional “weights” for factors like poverty or special education, similar to Vermont’s proposed model. California’s Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF), implemented in 2013, also uses a weighted system to promote equity, giving extra funds to districts with high-needs students. New Hampshire, Vermont’s neighbor, uses a foundation-like approach with adjustments for poverty and small schools. Rationale and Context:  Vermont’s current system, where local voters set budgets and the state raises funds through property taxes, has led to disparities and unpredictability. The foundation formula aims to standardize funding and enhance equity, much like California’s LCFF sought to address inequities in a larger, more diverse state. Scott’s plan adds a twist with a single statewide property tax rate, differing from states like Texas, where local taxes still vary significantly. State Oversight and School Choice Comparison to Other States:  The plan’s emphasis on stronger state oversight—shifting rulemaking from an independent board to the Agency of Education—resembles centralized models in states like North Carolina, where the state exercises significant control over standards and closures. The optional school choice lottery within districts also nods to systems in Florida and Arizona, where choice mechanisms (vouchers, charters) are prominent, though Vermont’s version is more limited, focusing on public and some private options without expanding vouchers broadly. Rationale and Context:  Vermont’s small size and decentralized tradition make this centralization bold, differing from larger states where such control is more normalized. The choice element seems inspired by choice-friendly states but is restrained to fit Vermont’s public education focus. Performance Comparison to Vermont’s Current System Since Scott’s plan is not yet implemented, direct performance comparisons rely on projections and analogies to other states’ outcomes under similar reforms, juxtaposed against Vermont’s current metrics. Vermont’s Current Performance: Vermont spends heavily on education—about $23,000 per student annually, among the highest in the U.S.—yet outcomes are mixed. The 2024 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) shows Vermont students scoring above the national average in reading and math but with declining trends over two decades, particularly for disadvantaged groups. Teacher pay varies widely (e.g., $50,000-$80,000 annually depending on district wealth), and property taxes have spiked (13.8% in 2024), prompting widespread budget rejections. Strengths include small class sizes and community engagement, but critics highlight inefficiencies (e.g., 52 supervisory unions for 76,000 students) and inequities between wealthy and poor areas. Projected Performance Under Scott’s Plan: Cost and Efficiency:  The plan targets $180 million in savings by 2028-29, primarily through administrative consolidation, potentially lowering per-student costs closer to the national average ($14,000). Maine saved $36 million annually post-consolidation, though Vermont’s smaller scale and deeper cuts suggest greater proportional savings if successful. Equity and Quality:  By equalizing funding via the foundation formula, Vermont could reduce disparities, as California’s LCFF did—there, achievement gaps narrowed slightly for low-income students. However, Vermont’s rural sparsity may complicate delivery, unlike California’s urban focus. Teacher pay equity could improve retention, a success seen in centralized states like North Carolina. Risks and Challenges:  Consolidation in West Virginia faced community backlash and didn’t always boost test scores, suggesting Vermont could see similar resistance without guaranteed academic gains. Maine’s voluntary approach left some inequities intact, hinting that Vermont’s mandatory mergers might fare better—or provoke fiercer opposition. Comparative Insights: States like Texas and California show foundation formulas can stabilize funding and boost equity, but Vermont’s high baseline spending and small population differ from these larger systems. Maine’s consolidation cut costs but not always quality, while West Virginia’s experience warns of rural community loss—a key concern in Vermont. Vermont’s current system outperforms many states in raw scores but lags in efficiency and equity compared to peers like New Hampshire, which spends less ($19,000 per student) with similar outcomes. Conclusion Scott’s plan isn’t a carbon copy of any state’s reform but borrows elements—consolidation from Maine and West Virginia, foundation funding from Texas and California, and hints of choice from Florida—tailored to Vermont’s context. Compared to the current system, it promises cost containment and equity. If Democrats are really the party of equity - now is their chance to prove it by putting the less fortunate in Vermont first for a change.

By   Michael Donoghue - Vermont News First NORTHFIELD -- Authorities are continuing to investigate the unexpected death of a Norwich University freshman during military training this week. Cadet Daniel Bermudez of Norwalk, Conn. was undergoing Cold Weather Training on Paine Mountain when he collapsed Wednesday evening, officials said.  Bermudez was a member of Bravo Company and a criminal justice major, Norwich said. Northfield Ambulance was summoned about 6:38 p.m. and rushed Bermudez to Central Vermont Medical Center in Berlin, Police Chief Pierre Gomez said.  Rescue personnel provided cardiopulmonary resuscitation at the scene and enroute to the hospital about 13 miles away, officials said.  The help continued at the hospital until 8:02 p.m. when Bermudez was pronounced dead, Gomez said. The death was not reported initially to police.  Vermont State Police learned about the death the following morning and alerted Northfield Police, officials said. Northfield Police Cpl. Michael R. Gero was assigned to the death investigation, the chief said.  State police also has offered it resources including a death investigator and the Major Crime Squad. Gomez said the preliminary investigation has shown no known foul play in the death. Gomez said he was unsure how many Norwich students were undergoing military training at the time and would need to be interviewed.  He referred that question and others about Norwich to the university, which is the oldest private military institution in the nation. Norwich spokesman Marc Kolb said the university has been keeping the Bermudez family up to date in recent days as the facts are uncovered. He said Norwich would not answer any questions from the public as the family and campus grieve, including how many students were part of the training exercise. Kolb said it was unknown when Norwich would provide its next public update to the community. Paine Mountain includes land owned by Norwich University and the town of Northfield.  It includes about a seven-mile moderately challenging trail through both university land and the Northfield Town Forest. It was unclear if the Chief Medical Examiner's Office had completed the autopsy or whether they were waiting for lab results, including toxicology and blood tests.  An office spokeswoman said Friday afternoon she was unable to provide any information in the case. Washington County State's Attorney Michelle Donnelly has failed to respond in recent days to inquiries about the death. Kolb said several hundred Norwich students did attend an on-campus  Candlelight Vigil on Thursday night. Norwich President John J. Broadmeadow in an email to the community did say the community was "heartbroken" by the sudden passing of the Bermudez. He did promise to alert the community when Norwich learned more information regarding funeral services and the Echo Taps ceremony.

Source:  Wall Street Journal Report Vail Resorts, the powerhouse of the ski industry, is grappling with significant challenges, including its first-ever decline in season pass sales. Central to this development is Stowe Mountain Resort in Vermont, Vail’s first acquisition on the East Coast, which has experienced both enhancements and controversies under the company’s ownership. The Epic Pass and Stowe Mountain Introduced in 2008, Vail’s Epic Pass transformed the ski industry by offering access to multiple resorts for a fixed price. This season, the pass costs around $1,000 and provides unlimited access to 42 properties globally, including Stowe. The pass has been a game-changer, locking in customer loyalty and ensuring stable revenue. However, this year, North American sales of the Epic Pass dropped by 2%, despite an 8% price increase that kept revenue growth intact. Stowe Mountain, acquired by Vail in 2017, has seen significant investments, including more efficient snow-making systems and higher-speed chairlifts, to improve its appeal. The introduction of the Epic Pass brought an influx of visitors to the resort, easily accessible via a scenic mountain road. While this boosted Stowe’s profile, it also led to overcrowding, traffic congestion, and diminished experiences for some long-time locals. Local Backlash at Stowe The changes Vail implemented at Stowe have not been universally welcomed. The company altered a beloved local ski program for children, which had historically been free for participants and chaperones in exchange for volunteering. Now, the program costs $68 per season, and volunteers receive fewer free tickets.  Vail’s Broader Struggles Vail Resorts’ business model relies heavily on the Epic Pass to drive skier visits, which account for 75% of its traffic. The decline in sales marks a concerning trend, compounded by broader industry challenges such as stagnant skier growth over the past two decades and competition from rival passes like Alterra Mountain Company's Ikon Pass. The company has faced operational difficulties at several resorts. Whistler Blackcomb in Canada has dealt with low snowfall and management issues, while Park City in Utah experienced a ski-patrol strike that shuttered most of the mountain during the busy holiday season. Such issues have fueled customer dissatisfaction, with long wait times and overcrowding becoming frequent complaints. Looking Ahead Vail continues to invest in its resorts, allocating up to $254 million this year for upgrades, including a new gondola at Park City and enhancements at its recently acquired Swiss property, Crans-Montana. Stowe, as part of this portfolio, remains a key asset, though local dissatisfaction highlights the tension between corporate strategies and community expectations. Despite these challenges, Vail CEO Kirsten Lynch remains optimistic, citing the company’s focus on the “guest experience” and efforts to innovate within the industry. However, with increased competition and changing skier preferences, including a shift toward backcountry skiing, Vail’s dominance faces mounting pressures. For Stowe Mountain and other Vail resorts, the coming seasons will test the company’s ability to balance growth with customer satisfaction, a challenge critical to retaining its position as a leader in the ski industry.

By Michael Donoghue - Vermont News First NORTHFIELD -- Authorities are investigating the unexpected death of a Norwich University freshman from Norwalk, Conn. on Wednesday night. The student was identified as cadet Daniel Bermudez by Norwich President John J. Broadmeadow in an email to the community on Thursday. Initial reports indicated Bermudez, a member of Bravo Company, was undergoing cold weather training on Paine Mountain when stricken and taken to the hospital where he was pronounced dead. Northfield Police was eventually alerted about the untimely death and has begun an investigation. The Vermont State Police have offered its resources, including a trained death investigator, to assist. Vermont's Chief Medical Examiner Office has been asked to complete an autopsy as part of the investigation. A Candlelight Vigil is planned for 10 tonight on the steps of Jackman Hall at Norwich, which is the oldest private military institution in the nation. Broadmeadow said the community was "heartbroken" by the sudden passing of the Bermudez. "We extend our heartfelt sympathies to Daniel’s loved ones and ask the community to keep his family and those closest to him in their thoughts and prayers," he said. "The loss has deeply affected our entire campus community, and we are united in our grief. Our thoughts and condolences are with Daniel’s family, friends, and all those who were close to him," the president wrote. Broadmeadow said the university is "dedicating all available resources through our Counseling and Wellness Center to support our students, faculty, and staff during this difficult time. The bonds that unite us at Norwich are strong, and we will continue to provide care and comfort to one another in the coming days and weeks." He promised to alert the community when Norwich learns more information regarding services and the Echo Taps ceremony.

Northfield, VT  — Folino's Pizza, a Vermont favorite with locations in Shelburne, Williston, and Burlington, has arrived in Northfield’s historic train depot on Depot Square. The new restaurant brings fresh energy and award-winning pizza to the heart of the town. Folino’s opened on Tuesday, January 14, to rave reviews.  “ Just sampled the Frankenstein with a side of the crispy dry rub wings… Outstanding!” wrote one diner on social media. Others who have had Folino’s food expressed their delight to have the high quality restaurant in the heart of downtown Northfield.  The Northfield Train Station, purchased and renovated by Northfield Village Development  in 2023, was transformed into a mixed-use space. While Folino's occupies the first floor, the second floor now features apartments, revitalizing the building and adding vibrancy to the community. Folino’s Pizza first opened in 2012 with a mission to create the best pizza, and the results speak for themselves. The restaurant has won the "Best Vermont Pizza " award for two consecutive years, thanks to its commitment to quality and traditional techniques. Folino's prides itself on its "naturally leavened" crust, made without commercial yeast and hand-formed to perfection. The sauce, made from crushed plum tomatoes and salt, complements the stone-fired crust for a flavor that Seven Days  calls “nothing short of perfection.” Beyond pizza, the Northfield location will introduce specialty Italian sandwiches, fresh salads, and other surprises to the menu. Guests can also enjoy a selection of beer, wine, ciders, and other beverages. Dining options include eat-in, takeout, and delivery, with individual pizza slices available. Come spring, patrons can look forward to a spacious outdoor patio with a large awning overlooking the picturesque Northfield Common. The restaurant’s owner and founder, John Koerner, a Vermont native, brings more than just culinary excellence to Northfield. A celebrated athlete and member of the Vermont Sports Hall of Fame, Koerner holds records in soccer at Champlain Valley Union High School and the University of Vermont. His commitment to sports extends to his restaurants, where he fosters connections with local athletic communities. General Manager Bobby Seaman will oversee operations at the Northfield location. “I’m thrilled to join the Northfield community and get to know the town’s residents,” Seaman shared. Local excitement is already palpable. One Northfield resident who has visited Folino's previous locations remarked, “Central Vermont has never tasted a pizza like this! It will knock your socks off.” Folino’s Pizza is open for lunch and dinner, with plans to operate seven days a week by the summer.

Most of Vermont media soft pedaled the astounding decision by Mayor Mulvany-Stanak to censor the police. Bold moves to limit or even prohibit free-speech were once the currency of conservatives like Donald Trump and Ron Desantis. Now it's being spent by Democrats and Progressives like it replaced the dollar. Vermont's mainstream media has reacted with outrage by free-speech limitations in the past, but when it came to Burlington Mayor Emma Mulvaney-Stanak's demand to control what the police tell the public, complicit journalists described the action as simply requiring her approval. Her "approval" includes removing key information that has ensured the public's right to know since the First Amendment was adopted. In a post on social media, longstanding journalist Mike Donoghue reveals what the no-longer independent news outlets of Vermont chose to ignore rather than challenge the mayor's decision, a well known MAGA party trick. As Pete Seeger might have said, "Where have all the ethics gone?" Here is the post: Northeastern University Journalism Professor Dan Kennedy in Boston has selected Progressive Party Mayor Emma Mulvaney-Stanak of Burlington for perhaps her first award since moving into CIty Hall last year. ---------------------- In Vermont, a mayoral Muzzle for silencing the police and freezing out the press. It might be high-handed for a mayor to order her police chief to funnel all public statements through her office, but it isn’t necessarily such an outrage that it warrants a coveted New England Muzzle Award. But to compound that by announcing she would have a press availability to which not all local news organizations were invited — well, come on down and claim your prize, Emma Mulvaney-Stanak. Mulvaney-Stanak, the mayor of Burlington, Vermont, and a leader in that state’s Progressive Party, signed an executive order last Wednesday ordering the Burlington Police Department to route all press releases through her office before distributing them to the public. “People need the basic facts of situations for the sake of public safety and nothing more than that,” the mayor was quoted as saying. According to Colin Flanders, a reporter for the Burlington-based newspaper Seven Days, Mulvaney-Stanak had “raised concerns” with Police Chief Jon Murad “about the content of his department’s public statements in the past. Murad has used press releases in recent years to criticize the court system and a perceived lack of accountability for repeat offenders.” Murad was silenced after a defense lawyer asked a judge to impose a gag order on the Burlington police in response to statements by the chief concerning a local man who’d had nearly 2,000 encounters with police. Murad had accused the man of “violent, incorrigible, antisocial behavior” — and some of Murad’s comments were repeated on the public radio program “On Point,” produced by WBUR in Boston and distributed nationwide. It’s hard to imagine that the mayor was pleased by that. Meanwhile, Vermont First Amendment legend Michael Donoghue, writing the Vermont Daily Chronicle for Vermont News First, reported on Friday that Mulvaney-Stanak would speak to the press at a media availability that afternoon — but that Vermont News First, which had been dogging the mayor over her acceptance of free donated meals, had not been invited. After Donoghue’s story was posted, he added an update reporting that Seven Days hadn’t been invited, either. “She doesn’t answer her cellphone and actually has asked VNF to stop calling,” Donoghue wrote. Well, if Seven Days and Vermont News First were left off the invitation list, who was invited? The city’s daily, the Burlington Free Press, didn’t report on the mayor’s muzzling of Chief Murad until today, and there are no quotes from her in the article. There’s nothing about any sort of press availability in the statewide news organization VTDigger, whose reporter Corey McDonald wrote about Mulvaney-Stanak’s silencing of Murad last Thursday, on the same day as Seven Days. Nor is there anything from Vermont Public Radio. Chief Murad, who’s leaving his post this April, may or may not have been out of line in disparaging a notorious frequent flier in the criminal justice system. But holding law enforcement to account is difficult enough without the mayor stepping in and lowering the cone of silence. For Mayor Mulvaney-Stanak to worsen that situation by creating the impression that she would exclude some news outlets from a media availability (it’s not clear whether that availability ever happened) goes beyond acceptable and pushes this story into the Muzzle Zone.

A Canada lynx has been spotted in Rutland County.  The rare breed eats snow bunnies, causing experts to believe a low supply at Mont-Tremblant and Jay Peak has them combing the slopes at Killington and Okemo.  Tips up!