The House passed an education bill this week. Your property tax bill is now up to the Senate
The Senate version will materially shape how much property taxes rise, how fast, and for how long.
The Vermont House of Representatives voted to advance H.955, the chamber’s education transformation bill, on Thursday, April 16, 2026, ordering the bill to a third reading on a 79-62 roll call that falls 15 votes short of what the House would need to override a gubernatorial veto.
Governor Phil Scott has signaled repeatedly that he intends to veto the bill.
That math has a direct consequence for every Vermont homeowner. Because the House cannot override Scott at its current margin, the Senate now holds the pen on whatever version of education reform actually becomes law — and that version will materially shape how much property taxes rise, how fast, and for how long.
What follows is analysis grounded in the procedural record. The House Journal entries, the bill text, and the fiscal notes cited are primary sources; the interpretation of what those facts mean for the Senate’s leverage and for Vermont property tax bills over the next several weeks is the analytical work of this piece.
The consequential decision embedded in H.955, from the standpoint of household finances, is a two-year delay of the foundation formula that was designed to equalize education funding across Vermont and reduce reliance on local property taxes. According to the Joint Fiscal Office, statewide education property taxes have risen nearly 41 percent over the past five years. The delay means additional fiscal years under the current funding structure before the foundation formula takes effect.
The House bill delays the formula from 2028 to 2030. The Senate Education Committee is considering raising the formula’s base before it takes effect, an approach that would increase the revenue needed to fund it, according to JFO modeling reported in Campaign for Vermont’s April 11 legislative update. The Governor wants faster and deeper district consolidation than either chamber has proposed. The bill that ultimately reaches property tax bills may reflect a compromise of those three positions, forged in a conference committee in a room with fewer seats than the one the bill just left.
What happened on the floor
The House Journal for April 16 records two consequential roll call votes on H.955.
First, the chamber considered and rejected an amendment on a 34-108 roll call at page 3860. The amendment addressed provisions governing independent schools eligible to receive public tuition — a long-running flashpoint in Vermont education policy. The roster of yes voters indicates the amendment came from the progressive and left-leaning flank of the majority rather than from the Republican minority. House Minority Leader Pattie McCoy of Poultney voted no. The amendment failed decisively.
Second, the bill itself was ordered to a third reading on a 79-62 roll call at page 3862. The vote split largely on party lines in a chamber where Democrats hold a majority and Republicans, Progressives, and independents make up the remainder.
The 34-108 vote is the more telling of the two. It shows that within the Democratic majority, a left flank views the committee version of H.955 as insufficient on one of the bill’s most politically sensitive questions: whether public money should continue to flow to independent schools under the current framework, or whether tighter restrictions should govern which schools remain eligible.
That flank lost. The bill that will arrive in the Senate is the committee version, which did not tighten those provisions.
Where the Senate stands
Senate Education, chaired by Senator Seth Bongartz of Bennington, has been drafting its own education reform framework for several weeks. Bongartz chaired the same committee during last year’s H.454 process that produced Act 73, which is the bill he will now be asked to effectively renegotiate.
According to reviews published by Campaign for Vermont, the Senate draft sets a new statewide supervisory union map in statute, gives districts in 11 designated supervisory unions a voluntary period to pursue mergers, and creates a state-directed backstop if voluntary mergers do not achieve the bill’s targets. Campaign for Vermont reports the Senate framework sets a statewide goal of reducing the number of school districts by 50 percent by July 1, 2029. Senate Education Committee working documents should be reviewed directly before any of these specific figures are cited as final.
The two approaches are not minor variations on a theme. The House bill structures a multi-year study process in which mergers remain entirely voluntary and subject to local voter approval. The Senate framework, which includes a state-directed merger backstop if voluntary consolidation targets are not met, is structured to ensure consolidation ultimately occurs. The Governor’s original proposal went further still, calling for consolidation into a much smaller number of regional districts than either chamber has proposed.
One plausible path from here is that Senate Education uses H.955 as a legislative vehicle, strikes the House language, and inserts the Senate framework via a strike-and-replace amendment. The bill, as amended, would then move through Senate Finance and Senate Appropriations before a floor vote. If the Senate version differs materially from the House version, a committee of conference would reconcile the two. Whatever emerges from conference requires majority approval in both chambers before reaching the Governor’s desk.
The precedent that matters
Last year’s H.454, which became Act 73, followed a specific procedural sequence. The House passed a version of the bill focused on pupil weighting and funding formula revisions. The Senate substantially rewrote the framework to incorporate redistricting language and a new property tax classification system. A committee of conference reconciled the two chambers’ differences over several days. The Governor signed the final product — a bill whose core architecture had been shaped by the Senate, not by the House that originated it.
That sequence is the reason the 79-62 House vote this week matters less than the number of votes the House would need on an override. If the Senate produces a bill close enough to the Governor’s position that Scott signs it, no override is necessary and the House margin is immaterial. If the Senate produces a bill closer to the House’s position and the Governor vetoes it, the House needs to find additional yes votes — or the bill dies and Vermont enters another fiscal year under the existing property tax system.
What to watch
The leverage in the room has shifted. The bill was read for the first time in the Senate on Friday, April 17, and referred to the Senate Committee on Rules for assignment to a policy committee. From there, H.955 is expected to move to Senate Education for substantive consideration.
The House has done what the House can do. The Senate faces a choice, over the next several weeks, among three paths: produce a bill that can survive a veto, produce a bill that forces an override fight the House may not win, or produce a bill the Governor can sign. Each path carries different fiscal implications for Vermont property tax bills, according to the divergent mechanisms in the House and Senate frameworks and the JFO modeling that has informed both.
The chamber that makes that choice has 30 members.
Sources: Vermont House Journal, April 16, 2026 (pages 3860 and 3862); Vermont Senate Journal, April 17, 2026; Joint Fiscal Office fiscal analysis and testimony; Campaign for Vermont legislative updates; H.955 as recommended by the House Committee on Ways and Means, Draft 4.2. All available at legislature.vermont.gov.
The disconnect between Montpelier and the rest of the State is astounding.... It's becoming the land of the "Have's and Have not".